ORIGIN AND NATURE OF THE CONFLICT BETWEEN HUTU AND TUTSI IN BURUNDI

12/18/2004

Burundi

The present article aims at refuting a certain number of generally accepted ideas on the nature of the Burundian conflict.

One’s present the Burundian conflict like an endogenous phenomenon, an atavistic conflict between two ethnos groups Hutu and Tutsi (of which one namely Hutu group would have lived formerly in serfdom and who today would be victim and object of all exclusions) and who dedicate a mutual hatred and relentless.

My intention is to show by verifiable historical facts that the Burundian conflict is of neo-colonialist nature like many other civil wars which tore African countries colonized in the past by the European States and which were lit there by these same States before their withdrawal.

It is to say that the Burundian crisis is the resultant and the product of exogenous factors Hutu and Tutsi are all together victims of.

More over, contrary to what is often said the Burundian conflict is not a misadventure of colonization but rather a misadventure of the decolonization.

Two data, one geographical the other historical determined the bursting of the Burundian crisis at the precise time where it occurred i.e. between 1962 and 1965.

The geographical data is the situation of Burundi in the vicinity of a large country like Democratic Congo equipped with enormous ores of strategic layers (like cobalt).

Let us recall that the cobalt extracted under Congolese ground constituted the single raw material basic being used for manufacture of the spare parts for the fighters of the Member States of NATO.

Whereas the Soviet Union abounded in cobalt in its under ground, the Member States of NATO including the United States of America were completely deprived of it in their under ground and counted only on Congolese cobalt.

It is for that reason that for the Member States of NATO permanent accessibility with Congolese cobalt was a question of life or death.

The historical data is the situation of cold war which prevailed when Burundi gained its the independence in 1962.

If Soviet Union or Communist China managed in one way or another to put the Democratic Congo under their influence zone and to keep in a durable way the Congolese cobalt inaccessible to the countries of NATO, they could gain the cold war militarily.

Indeed deprived of Congolese cobalt, the fighters of the Member States of NATO would remain nailed on the ground and would be completely destroyed in the event of attack by Soviet aviation exactly like Egyptian aviation was decimated on the ground during the war of June 1967. (What has just been said of Congolese cobalt is valid to a lesser extent of Congolese uranium).

This scenario highly probable constituted throughout the cold war a headache and a true obsession for the military strategists of NATO.

To prevent that this scenario from materializing by moving away from Democratic Congo and its proximity any communist danger thus constituted a major strategic requirement.

For the achievement of this objective the Member States of NATO were distributed the task:

- France was given the duty of maintaining firmly in its influence zone and fighting any nationalist inclination in the two frontier French-speaking countries bordering the Democratic Congo to namely the Central African Republic and Congo Brazzaville;

- Portugal accepted the same mission in Angola whose it refused the independence and where it subjected the freedom fighters movements to a wild repression with the tacit support of the Western countries;

- England was charged to maintain its influence on current Zambia called at the time North Rhodesia by delaying its accession with independence up to 1964;

- The task to fight nationalism in Democratic Congo, Burundi and Rwanda was entrusted to the Belgians and to the Americans.

This task was relatively easy when Congo, Burundi and Rwanda remained colonies or Trust Territories Belgians, but became more difficult when the historical context of the time made inevitable the accession of these three countries to independence.

However this decolonization of the three old possessions Belgian in Central Africa occurred at the height of the cold war, when the ideological competition between the communist camp and the capitalist camp reached the paroxysm.

NATO Strategists, in the forefront of which were the Americans and the Belgians were to

reconcile three requirements:

First requirement: to grant a nominal and theoretical independence to Congo, in Burundi and Rwanda.

Second requirement: to keep the three countries in the influence zone of the Western camp.

Third requirement: to prevent three countries or one of them from falling in the Soviet or Chinese camp and to ensure to NATO countries the permanent accessibility of the Democratic Congo cobalt.

Therefore it became pressing to move away from the communist danger the Democratic Congo and to establish around this immense country a medical cord and a politically sure zone which would protect it from the communist plague.

The recent and immediate topicality highlights the strategic place that Burundi and Rwanda hold in the maintenance of the territorial integrity and peace play in the Democratic Congo or in the destabilization of this country. The Mobutu regime was swept starting from these two countries and the Kabila regime was shaken starting from Rwanda and of Burundi.

For the strategists of NATO a sizable made difficult the achievement of this objective; this obstacle was the Congolese nationalism represented by the MNC of Patrice Lumumba, the Rwandan nationalism represented by the UNAR, the Burundian nationalism represented by the UPRONA of Prince Rwagasore.

Therefore it became a major strategic objective to fight these three nationalisms.

But why thus the nationalism of our three countries was prejudicial with the interests of the members of NATO?

Initially the African nationalists in general and those of our three countries in particular received a diplomatic and sometimes material support from the communist countries; then because the nationalists of our three countries refused to the Westerners the extension and the consolidation of their influence zone in our sub-region and consequently made impossible the permanent accessibility to Congolese cobalt to the military strategists of NATO, which in the context of the cold war constituted a mortal danger.

In the eyes of the Westerners thus the nationalists of the three countries were the natural and objective allies of communist countries.

To fight Congolese nationalism, Rwandan nationalism and Burundian nationalism became for the Western countries (in particular the USA and Belgium) a major strategic requirement.

In Democratic Congo, nationalism was quickly overcome when on January 17, 1961 Patrice Lumumba was assassinated by the CIA because it had started a spectacular rapprochement together with the Soviet Union and that it had opened his country to the communist influence making thus impossible with the countries NATO the access to Congolese cobalt.

In Rwanda, the nationalism (which for reasons suitable for the history of this country was monoethnic and tutsi) was also quickly cut down when in 1959-1960 Belgium lit in this country a civil war, tribal and genocidary which decimated thousands of nationalists of Tutsi origin and sent many others the others in a long exile in the neighbouring countries and in particular in Burundi.

The Rwandan nationalists of the UNAR had committed the inexcusable mistake to accept the financial support of Moscow and Peijing.

In Democratic Congo the Americans installed pro-western government (in the place of the nationalists of lumumbist stock) represented by Cyrille Adoula, Joseph Iléo, Moïse Tchombé, Joseph Kasavubu and Joseph-Desired Mobutu.

In Rwanda, the Belgians installed in the place of the nationalists of the UNAR, tribalistic and bloodthirsty man represented by Grégoire Kayibanda.

Only Burundian nationalism continued to represent for the Westerners a challenge, an obstacle and a threat with their strategic interests.

To fight Burundian nationalism became urgent when in years 62 and the 63 Congolese nationalists of lumumbist stock and the driven out Rwandan nationalists driven from their countries received from Burundian nationalists (Hutu and tutsi) political asylum, diplomatic and material support and were authorized with launching military attacks on Congo and Rwanda starting from the Burundian ground.

That became even more urgent when during the year 1964 Communist China chose Burundi like point of support and starting point to destabilize Democratic Congo to sweep this country the American influence while basing itself on the principle stated by Mao Tsé Toung who said: "which conquers Congo Démocratique conquers Africa and which conquers Burundi conquers Congo Démocratique" that became even more urgent when at the same period the Burundian nationalists authorized the revolutionist argentino-Cuban Ernesto Che-Guevara to be passed by the Burundian territory to go to help the Congolese men of the maquis to drive out the Westerners and their allies of Congo Démocratique.

That became more urgent when Congolese nationalist rebels of lumumbist stock left Burundi with the assistance of the Chinese and the Ngendandumwe Government seized the towns of Uvira, of Bukavu and Kisangani of which they were dislodged only by Belgian and American parachutists. It was in October 1964.

It thus became a major strategic requirement to break allied Burundian nationalism with the Congolese and Rwandan nationalists and by rebound with the communist modes: Belgians and Americans will get busy there.

The task was not easy because contrary to the Rwandan nationalism which was monoethnic and tutsi, Burundian nationalism counted in its mainstream the Hutu and the tutsi alike (with besides more Hutu than of tutsi) and leaders Hutu like Pierre Ngendandumwe and Paul Mirerekano being burning nationalists very clearly anti-Westerners.

Burundian nationalism being deeply anchored in the collective conscience its destruction will be for the Americans and the Belgians a difficult task whose realization will require several years.

For the American strategists and Belgians the best way of destroying Burundian nationalism was to destroy the Burundian nation and to sap the Burundian State-Nation several times secular. It is with that that they will be harnessed (as from the year 1962).

How did they proceed?

- In assassinating Prince Rwagasore the most solid guarantor of the continuity of the State-Nation in Burundi.

- While liquidating physically and politically ethnic group of Baganwa (after having rested on it) to place the Hutu and the tutsi in face to face conflict similar to that which prevailed in Rwanda.

- By pushing the Hutu of the UPRONA to give up the way of the nationalism in which they had walked on by the time of Prince Rwagasore to engage on the way of the tribalism and the genocide against the tutsi.

- By assassinating the Prime Minister Pierre Ngendandumwe.

- By lighting tribal wars generating the cycle infernal massacres - revenge-repression - which were going to dig an enormous ditch of hatred between Hutu and tutsi.

- By persuading the Hutu of the UPRONA that the tutsi were foreign invaders that the Hutu had the right to drive out of Burundi and to exterminate them.

- By pushing the Hutu of the UPRONA to be combined with the Hutu of Rwanda, with the Hutu of Burundi affiliated to the tribal political parties opposed to the UPRONA such P.P., and with the Congolese fantoches and pro-Westerners.

To carry out this program, the Belgian and American strategists will be based on a certain number of institutions, Burundian associations and personalities as well as foreign.

Let us quote: the Association of the Colonists of Rwanda-Urundi, the Belgian Christian Trade Union, Services of Rwandan Safety, Priests of the Congregation of the White Fathers working in Burundi, Monks of the various Protestant Churches and Adventists working in Burundi, personnel of the Embassies of Belgium and the United States of America, political personnel of ethnos group Hutu affiliated to various parties including the UPRONA, the priests Hutu of the catholic Clergy, Hutu monks of the various Protestant and Adventist Churches, Associations of Students Hutu such as the ASSEBA (Association of Bahutu Students), the MIPROBA (Movement of the Bahutu Students), the UBU, BAMPERE, political parties with tribalist and genocidary ideology such as the PALIPEHUTU, FRODEBU etc.

Only the use of this grid of reading of the history of Burundi makes it possible to correctly apprehend the true nature of the Burundian crisis.

To present the exclusion of the Hutu of the spheres of the State and the Army as the principal reason of the bursting of the Burundian crisis is to practise imposture, the trickery and deformation of the historical facts. To say that is a liar because when the first genocide of the tutsi in October 1965 took place the Hutu were strongly majority with the Army, in the higher realms of the State, with the Senate and the French National Assembly.

If Burundi were located geographically far from Democratic Congo and occupied for example the current site of Benign, or of Togo or Lesotho thus of no importance geostrategic, our country would never have known neither civil war nor genocide.

If Burundi had reached independence before the release of the cold war, or after the end of this war, it would never have known the genocide.

If the legislative elections of September 1961 had been gained by men of straw of Belgium like Ntidendereza or Bigayimpunzi and not by Rwagasore, Burundi would never have known the genocide.

The various events which, since 1962 until our days, enamelled our history in a tragic way are materialisation and the realization of this program used at the point by the Western strategists.

Let us review most important among these events:

1. Assassination by Nationalist Youth Rwagasore of four trade unionists

Hutu in Kamenge on January 14, 1962.

After having liquidated Prince Louis Rwagasore physically, Harroy the Belgian Governor General wanted to create chaos in Burundi and to sow serious disorders which would have provided to Belgium a pretext to delay the granting of independence in our country and to maintain for a long time the Belgian military troops there.

This chaos would have enabled him to weaken and destroy new State UPRONA and to make it possible the extremist Hutu political parties to seize the power: the maintenance of the Belgian military troops in Burundi, claimed by Belgium and refused by new government UPRONA was to be used for that to create this chaos. The trade unionists Hutu with the service of Harroy and pushed by the Belgian Christian Trade union devoted themselves to acts of provocation against Revolutionary Youth Rwagasore. It followed from there a brawl which led to the death of four trade unionists Hutu.

2. Mirerekano Case.

The Mirerekano case represents the greatest success of the strategy used at that time by the Americans and the Belgians to break Party UPRONA, to break Burundian nationalism while making rock in the camp of the extremist the leaders Hutu of the UPRONA among most prestigious and which until this time was blazing nationalists.

With this intention these strategists benefited from the divisions appeared within the UPRONA in the tread of the assassination of Prince Rwagasore.

Paul Mirerekano frustrated not to have obtained the presidency of party UPRONA and refusing the post of the Minister for the Agriculture which was offered to him was quickly recovered by the Western extremist Hutu and their supports which made it sink in the crime and the genocide.

Services of Rwandan safety, the Belgian Christian trade union, the leaders Hutu of the Burundian political parties opposed to the UPRONA were put at contribution to obtain this tragic conversion of Paul Mirerekano.

At the same time the Western strategists caused a scission within the Church Anglican (which in 1961 had voted UPRONA and had been shown eminently nationalist) by pushing the Hutu monks as Eustace Kinama to found a Church with them (called Eglise of God of Burundi) which appeared a solid vector of diffusion of the ideology extremist and genocidary.

Always at the same time, while being pressed on the Adventist Church of Rwanda the same strategists diffused the ideology extremist and genocidary among the Hutu of the Cibitoke province of which many among them are Adventists and who until this time were large nationalists affiliated to party UPRONA.

The most known case is that of UPRONA deputy of Cibitoke, Hutu and adventist Mr Siméon Kayabu.

During this time, the Belgian Christian Trade union organized the students Hutu attending the Belgian universities, Frenchwomen and the University of Burundi in an association extremist with genocidary ideology called ASSEBA (Association of the Bahutu Students).

With party of the year 1963, occurred a synergy and collusion between Paul Mirerekano, the Adventists Hutu of the Cibitoke province, dissenting Anglicans Hutu of Bururi, Makamba and Rutana and the students members of the ASSEBA.

The genocide of the tutsi of August 1964 in the provinces of Cibitoke and Kayanza was the common work of Paul Mirerekano and the Adventists Hutu of Cibitoke.

The Coup d'etat lacked August 1964 against the established institutions was the common work of Paul Mirerekano and the students member as of the ASSEBA Bujumbura section.

Toughening and the ethnisation of the collective conscience Hutu in 1965 in the provinces of Bururi, Makamba and Rutana also resulted from synergy between Paul Mirerekano and the Protestants Hutu of the South directed by Eustace Kinama and Tite Bazahica.

From the year 1964, Mirerekano with the assistance of the Services of Rwandan Safety will set up a genocidary militia Hutu in the communes Bugarama and Busangana which will make in the two communes the horrible genocide against the tutsi of October 1965.

3. Assassination of the Prime Minister Pierre Ngendandumwe

The most widespread version in the Hutu mediums presents the assassination of Pierre Ngendandumwe like a crime financed by the Ambassador of China at Burundi in station at the beginning of 1965 and by the extremists Burundian tutsi, crime which was carried out by the Rwandan refugees tutsi, within the framework of a vast plot against the Hutu elite.

However, nothing falser than this version. The assassination of Pierre Ngendandumwe is the work of the American Ambassador in station in Burundi at that time which aimed at punishing the Prime Minister Pierre Ngendandumwe to have established the diplomatic relations between Burundi and China, to have authorized the opening on January 1, 1964, and the arrival in Burundi of the Ambassador of China in April 1964 (in spite of the opposition of the Western countries), for the support which it had granted to the Congolese nationalists of lumumbist stock who attacked Congo starting from Burundi, to have granted assistance and support for called Rwandan nationalists INYENZI, for the diplomatic and media war which it had delivered against the Hutu mode of Rwanda by denouncing its extremist and genocidary practices.

The assassination of Pierre Ngendandumwe also aimed at forcing to impose for its replacement on the Burundian political scene the extremists Hutu leaders like Gervais Nyangoma more the and more flexible Western interests.

By introducing the Ambassador of China like sleeping partner of the assassination of Pierre Ngendandumwe, the American diplomat aimed at fighting it, to obtain its expulsion from Burundi and to break the diplomatic push of Communist China in Central Africa with like objective tearing off Democratic Congo of the influence zone of NATO to make it fall in the communist camp. It also aimed at introducing the Chinese as enemies of the Hutu of Burundi who did not have any more other choices but to be combined to the Westerners.

By introducing the Rwandan and Burundian tutsi like accomplices and authors of the assassination of Pierre Ngendandumwe the same American diplomat sought definitively to break Burundian nationalism by making tutsi and Hutu irreconcilable enemies.

4. The military and genocidary putsch of the tutsi of October 1965

The assassination of Pierre Ngendandumwe had prepared psychologically and politically the military putsch and the genocide of the tutsi of octobre1965.

The military putsch and the genocide of the tutsi which followed it were planned, prepared and financed by the American Ambassador Donald Dumont. The same diplomat, by physically liquidating an Hutu leader moderated and nationalist like Pierre Ngendandumwe, sought to impose on the Burundian political scene Hutu extremists, radicals and genocidary leaders like Gervais Nyangoma.

On the basis of material proof of its implication in the putsch and the genocide of the tutsi of October 1965 the Government of Burundi expelled and declared persona non grata the American Ambassador Donald Dumont, two other American diplomats and a Greek tradesman of the name of Paniyotides which was their agent.

In the same way the payment important money sums by the Belgian Christian Trade union to finance the putsch could be materially checked.

The military putsch aimed at reversing the legal institutions, to install a Popular Republic of Bahutu extremist and bloodthirsty man and to exterminate all the populations of ethnos group tutsi. Many governments ministers and army officers of Hutu ethnos group and soldiers took part in this putsch and the genocide of the tutsi. All these personalities were regularly judged by Courses and Courts legally made up; they were considered and condemned.

5. The military and genocidary putsch of September 1969

This was an attempted remake of the putsch and genocide the tutsi of October 1965 and of which the principal organizers (the commanders Charles Karorero, Nicodème Katariho, Mathias Bazayuhundi) were former members of the ASSEBA (Association of the Bahutu Students).

As in 1965, the putsch implied the eminent personages of the State (civil, soldiers and nuns) very of ethnos group Hutu who aimed at reversing the established institutions, to proclaim a Popular Republic of Bahutu and to exterminate the populations of Tutsi ethnic group.

The material implication in this putsch of the Ambassador of Belgium the Henequiau General was proven, which led the Government of Burundi to expel him.

The culprits were regularly considered and condemned by the Courses and Courts of competent jurisdiction and could profit from a legal aid.

6. The genocide of the Tutsi of April-May 1972

The organizers of this genocide pursued the same political goals as those of 1965 and 1969. They aimed at establishing a Popular Republic of Bahutu after having exterminated all the populations (old men, women, children, adults) of ethnos group Tutsi.

However the genocide of the Tutsi of April-May 1972 differed from those which preceded it by the high degree of sophistication in its planning and its preparation, by the high number of the individuals and associations Hutu as well as foreign which had been implied in its preparations.

In its preparation of the Hutu of various social categories were strongly implied: officers of the National army, warrant officers, troops, members of the government, agents of the Police headquarters and provincial and communal, agronomists, teachers, veterinary surgeons, judges of various courts, tradesmen, pupils of the secondary schools, students at the university and the Higher Teacher training school, monks and nuns of the Catholic Church and the Protestant Churches, monk of the religious Congregations of European origin.

The repression which was exerted on Hutu of the near total of the social categories explains by their strong implication in the planning and the preparations of the genocide of the Tutsi of

April-May 1972.

In spite of the severity of the repression marked by regrettable skids, this repression never took the form of genocide against the Hutu and as soon as the Nyamoya Government was set up it quickly put an end to the overflows and the skids.